The U.S. has proposed new talks with Iran, after a 12-day war in which the Islamic Republic was thoroughly humiliated by Israel. Whether they take place this week in Oman as proposed or later on, America should bring a hammer.
The Islamic Republic is a criminal regime that not only murderously oppresses its own people, especially women and dissidents, but has also been undermining other countries in the region with impunity for decades. It has been getting away with murder — literally — by inspiring fear. The war, however, exposed it as a paper tiger, laying bare the vulnerability of Iran’s defenses and the depth of its penetration by foreign intelligence.
Moreover, the war ended with an American diktat: Israel stopped bombing after President Trump said stop, and Iran obeyed as well. That is a display of leverage that history has rarely seen. But incredibly, Trump has suggested that maybe a deal is no longer needed — since he believes Iran’s nuclear program was effectively destroyed, and that the nuclear issue is his only concern.
This is dangerous nonsense. Even if the nuclear facilities in Fordo, Isfahan and Natanz were obliterated, as Trump insists but some intelligence assessments dispute, Iran can and probably will rebuild, unless it is bound by verifiable commitments backed by a credible threat of force. And, critically, there are other matters to press with Iran.
The U.S. should come with maximal demands, not only on the nuclear program but also on Iran’s ballistic missiles and its network of proxy militias. The consequences of refusal must be clear — escalation, isolation and the full weight of American and regional opposition.
The nuclear issue is the most urgent. Iran must not enrich uranium beyond the threshold permitted for civilian use under the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Indeed, that is the one carrot that can be offered: respecting civilian nuclear rights once the military track is shut down.
Second, Iran’s missile program must end. It serves no legitimate purpose beyond intimidation and destruction. Iran had amassed thousands of short- and medium-range missiles capable of reaching Israel, Saudi Arabia and Gulf capitals. The program has no place in a country claiming peaceful intentions. It had already been used against Israel last fall in the largest ballistic missile attack in history. This cannot be allowed.
Third, Iran must end its support for its terrorist proxies, which have been destabilizing the Middle East for decades. These militias are not bargaining chips but rather the mechanism through which Iran exports chaos and pursues its goal of spreading militant, radical Islam.
Start with Hezbollah. Since the 1980s, Iran has poured billions into the group, turning southern Lebanon into a launchpad for attacks against Israel and a base of Iranian power on the Mediterranean. Hezbollah assassinated Lebanese leaders, hijacked the political system and turned Lebanon into a failed state. It also attacked U.S. forces and staged terrorist attacks in Europe and South America. It did Iran’s bidding in Syria too, propping up Bashar al-Assad’s murderous regime and fueling the war that killed hundreds of thousands. Assad finally fell in December, partly as a consequence of Israel’s defanging of Hezbollah last fall, when thousands of fighters were killed or disabled and its leader, Hassan Nasrallah, assassinated.
Hamas and Islamic Jihad, Tehran’s Palestinian clients, hijacked the Palestinian national movement with an Islamist agenda, undermining the secular Palestinian Authority and launching waves of suicide bombings against Israeli civilians in the 1990s and 2000s. These attacks torpedoed peace talks and played directly into the hands of Israeli hardliners, helping to destroy hopes for a two-state solution. After seizing Gaza in 2007, Hamas ruled with murderous violence, spent resources on tunnels and rockets and invited catastrophe — culminating in the Oct. 7, 2023 invasion of Israel, in which 1,200 people were massacred. This sparked the war that has left Gaza in ruins.
The Houthis in Yemen are yet another Iranian client. Armed, trained and guided by Iran, they plunged the region’s poorest country into civil war and overthrew the government in its west. The humanitarian toll has been staggering, with more than 400,000 dead, according to the U.N., many from hunger and preventable disease. The Houthis have fired missiles at Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, and more recently at international shipping lanes in the Red Sea, massively upending global maritime trade. This is piracy and terrorism in the service of Iran.
In Iraq, Iranian-backed Shiite militias like Kata’ib Hezbollah and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haq operate as parallel armies, undermining the central government, terrorizing civilians and attacking U.S. forces. Iran seeks to dominate Iraq, its neighbor to the west.
Iran is also trying to destabilize Jordan. Iranian-backed militias have ramped up arms and drug smuggling along the Syria-Jordan border, posing a grave threat to the Hashemite Kingdom. Following Hamas’s Oct. 7 attack, militias backed by Iran attempted infiltration operations to assist Palestinian terror groups. Kata’ib Hezbollah threatened to arm 12,000 so-called “Mujahideen of the Islamic Resistance in Jordan,” boasting of plans to send rockets and explosives to attack Israel — and potentially the Jordanian state itself. Iran’s goal is destabilize Jordan’s pro-Western leadership and open a new front in its war-by-proxy. The Jordanian military responded with force, warning of strikes if needed — and the militias retreated into Iraq.
All of this should no longer be tolerated, especially by the Arab countries themselves. The Arab League and Gulf Cooperation Council should be invited to the talks in Oman. Nations like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Egypt, Morocco do not want Iranian missiles in their airspace or militias in their streets.
Iran’s criminal regime must not be rewarded with relief or legitimacy unless it agrees to strict, enforceable commitments. The U.S. must return to a policy of pressure: Sanctions must tighten, and violations must be met with consequences. And if talks fail, the military option must remain on the table — not as a bluff, but as a clearly demonstrated plausible reality.
It is worth underscoring that the 12-day war was the first time in history that the U.S. fought directly alongside Israel, quite a difference from sending arms or helping deflect a missile attack.
The Israel-Iran war showed that Iran’s deterrent posture was an illusion. Had it continued, the regime might well have collapsed. That would have been a favor to the long-suffering people of Iran — and with any luck it will yet occur. Ultimately, it is an internal matter — but Iran’s aggression toward its neighbors is not.
As I’ve written here before, sidelining Iran could catalyze a process that broadens Middle East peace. That job, however, was not accomplished by the war. It was made possible, however — and it is up to the U.S. to make sure it happens.
Dan Perry led Associated Press coverage in Europe, the Middle East and Africa, including the Israel and Iran bureaus. He publishes Ask Questions Later on Substack.
